For purposes of studying the wealth distribution, economists define wealth in terms of marketable assets, such as real estate, stocks, and bonds, leaving aside consumer durables like cars and household items because they are not as readily converted into cash and are more valuable to their owners for use purposes than they are for resale (Wolff, 2004, p. 4, for a full discussion of these issues). Once the value of all marketable assets is determined, then all debts, such as home mortgages and credit card debts, are subtracted, which yields a person's net worth.He describes a distinct pyramid shaped class structure in America that has proven fairly stable over time. Historically (since the 1920s) the top one percent of American households have controlled between 30% and 40% of the national wealth (with the exception of a few years in the 1970s when that proportion dropped into and below the 20s).
He describes the class structure as of 2001:
In the United States, wealth is highly concentrated in a relatively few hands. As of 2001, the top 1% of households (the upper class) owned 33.4% of all privately held wealth, and the next 19% (the managerial, professional, and small business stratum) had 51%, which means that just 20% of the people owned a remarkable 84%, leaving only 16% of the wealth for the bottom 80% (wage and salary workers).On inheritance:
Figures on inheritance tell much the same story. According to a study published by the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, only 1.6% of Americans receive $100,000 or more in inheritance. Another 1.1% receive $50,000 to $100,000. On the other hand, 91.9% receive nothing (Kotlikoff & Gokhale, 2000).On taxation (no longer on Domhoff's site) Obama is proposing raising income taxes on the top income bracket from 36% to 39%. This is a very modest increase on what is already a historically low level. This graph (http://www.truthandpolitics.org/top-rates.php) puts it in perspective:
Historical rates (married couples, filing jointly)
Table
Tax year | Top marginal tax rate (%) | Top marginal tax rate (%) on earned income, if different<1> | Taxable income over-- |
---|---|---|---|
1913 | 7 | 500,000 | |
1914 | 7 | 500,000 | |
1915 | 7 | 500,000 | |
1916 | 15 | 2,000,000 | |
1917 | 67 | 2,000,000 | |
1918 | 77 | 1,000,000 | |
1919 | 73 | 1,000,000 | |
1920 | 73 | 1,000,000 | |
1921 | 73 | 1,000,000 | |
1922 | 58 | 200,000 | |
1923 | 43.5 | 200,000 | |
1924 | 46 | 500,000 | |
1925 | 25 | 100,000 | |
1926 | 25 | 100,000 | |
1927 | 25 | 100,000 | |
1928 | 25 | 100,000 | |
1929 | 24 | 100,000 | |
1930 | 25 | 100,000 | |
1931 | 25 | 100,000 | |
1932 | 63 | 1,000,000 | |
1933 | 63 | 1,000,000 | |
1934 | 63 | 1,000,000 | |
1935 | 63 | 1,000,000 | |
1936 | 79 | 5,000,000 | |
1937 | 79 | 5,000,000 | |
1938 | 79 | 5,000,000 | |
1939 | 79 | 5,000,000 | |
1940 | 81.1 | 5,000,000 | |
1941 | 81 | 5,000,000 | |
1942 | 88 | 200,000 | |
1943 | 88 | 200,000 | |
1944 | 94 <2> | 200,000 | |
1945 | 94 <2> | 200,000 | |
1946 | 86.45 <3> | 200,000 | |
1947 | 86.45 <3> | 200,000 | |
1948 | 82.13 <4> | 400,000 | |
1949 | 82.13 <4> | 400,000 | |
1950 | 84.36 | 400,000 | |
1951 | 91 <5> | 400,000 | |
1952 | 92 <6> | 400,000 | |
1953 | 92 <6> | 400,000 | |
1954 | 91 <7> | 400,000 | |
1955 | 91 <7> | 400,000 | |
1956 | 91 <7> | 400,000 | |
1957 | 91 <7> | 400,000 | |
1958 | 91 <7> | 400,000 | |
1959 | 91 <7> | 400,000 | |
1960 | 91 <7> | 400,000 | |
1961 | 91 <7> | 400,000 | |
1962 | 91 <7> | 400,000 | |
1963 | 91 <7> | 400,000 | |
1964 | 77 | 400,000 | |
1965 | 70 | 200,000 | |
1966 | 70 | 200,000 | |
1967 | 70 | 200,000 | |
1968 | 75.25 | 200,000 | |
1969 | 77 | 200,000 | |
1970 | 71.75 | 200,000 | |
1971 | 70 | 60 | 200,000 |
1972 | 70 | 50 | 200,000 |
1973 | 70 | 50 | 200,000 |
1974 | 70 | 50 | 200,000 |
1975 | 70 | 50 | 200,000 |
1976 | 70 | 50 | 200,000 |
1977 | 70 | 50 | 203,200 |
1978 | 70 | 50 | 203,200 |
1979 | 70 | 50 | 215,400 |
1980 | 70 | 50 | 215,400 |
1981 | 69.125 | 50 | 215,400 |
1982 | 50 | 85,600 | |
1983 | 50 | 109,400 | |
1984 | 50 | 162,400 | |
1985 | 50 | 169,020 | |
1986 | 50 | 175,250 | |
1987 | 38.5 | 90,000 | |
1988 | 28 <8> | 29,750 <8> | |
1989 | 28 <8> | 30,950 <8> | |
1990 | 28 <8> | 32,450 <8> | |
1991 | 31 | 82,150 | |
1992 | 31 | 86,500 | |
1993 | 39.6 | 89,150 | |
1994 | 39.6 | 250,000 | |
1995 | 39.6 | 256,500 | |
1996 | 39.6 | 263,750 | |
1997 | 39.6 | 271,050 | |
1998 | 39.6 | 278,450 | |
1999 | 39.6 | 283,150 | |
2000 | 39.6 | 288,350 | |
2001 | 39.1 | 297,350 | |
2002 | 38.6 | 307,050 | |
2003 | 35 | 311,950 |
As the graph makes clear rates increased to nearly 80% in the 1910s. In the 1920s, they fell to around 25%. FDR raised them to about 60% to fight the Great Depression, then to over 90% to fight WWII. They remained in the in the 80-90% range until JFK/ LBJ lowered them to about 70%, where they sat until Reagan lowered back to 1920s levels (28%). Bush 41 and Clinton pushed them back up to 40%, and Bush 43 brought them back to 35%.
Sociologist Walden Bello ask key questions of the new administration:
The question isn't whether there is space for innovation, but whether Obama will go farther and make transformative moves in the ownership and control of the economy. Will we simply have a return to old-fashioned Keynesianism or will we finally move decisively toward a social democratic regime that truly subordinates the market to society? That he is said to have surrounded himself with Democratic neoliberals like Larry Summers, Robert Rubin, and Paul Volcker is cause for concern but hardly alarm at this point. Obama knows that the vote was a referendum against neoliberalism, whether of the doctrinal Reagan variety or the more pragmatic Clinton kind.
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